Civil Government in the Name of
Christ
On October 28, in the year of our Lord 312, Constantine, reportedly
having seen a vision of a cross emblazoned with the words, In hoc signo
vinces, “In this sign Conquer,” defeated Maxentius at the Milvian
Bridge, on the Tiber River a few miles from Rome. He then became ruler
of Rome and the western part of the Empire. A dozen years later, he
defeated his last enemy and became emperor of the whole Roman Empire.
Constantine was a powerful force of protection for Christians from the
outset of his reign, recognizing Christianity as a legally permissible
religion in 313, in what came to be known as the Edict of Milan, and
proclaiming his adherence to Christianity and his aim that Christianity
should become the religion of the Empire once he became sole emperor of
Rome in 324. As was customary in those days, years passed from his
confession of the gospel until his baptism; he was baptized on Pentecost
Sunday, May 22, 337, shortly before his death.
The western part of the Roman Empire collapsed in 476, but the Empire
itself continued as a Christian empire until the city of Constantinople
fell to the armies of Islam on May 30, 1453, and the Ottoman Turks slew
Constantine XI. The center of power for Byzantine civilization then
passed on to Moscow, where the Tsars ruled in the name of Christ until
Nicholas II abdicated on March 15, 1917. That same year the Bolsheviks
seized the Battleship Aurora on November 7, and the Anti-Christ,
Vladimir Illyich Lenin, was enthroned as god in St. Petersburg.
The supreme authority in the Byzantine world was always the civil
government, and the church functioned under the ruler with rather
limited autonomy. But the situation in the West was markedly different
from that in the East. In the West, once Rome fell, the Empire was
plunged into the Dark Ages. In the place of a Christian empire, the
various ethnic groups splintered under the pressure of wave after wave
of barbarians with no unifying military force or law. It was within this
vacuum, that one of the five Patriarchs of the Church, (originally the
bishops of Jerusalem, Antioch, Rome, Alexandria and Constantinople) the
Bishop of Rome, rose to civil power, taking one of the ancient titles of
the Roman emperors, Pontifex Maximus. As Europe moved through the Middle
Ages, the Papacy came to function somewhat analogously to our modern
United Nations. While the Pope’s power was “spiritual” rather than
“temporal,” he had enormous power over the leaders of the various
nation-states, having the authority to excommunicate rulers and place
their realms under interdict, thereby denying their people of most of
the sacraments and Christian burial to all within their borders. It was
the Pope who crowned Charles I, the King of the Franks, as the new Roman
Emperor on Christmas Day 800. Thus by the hand of the Pope, Charlemagne
became the first person to bear the title emperor in the West since the
fifth century. And it was the Pope, who forced the emperor, Henry IV, to
stand in the snow for three days at Canossa, in 1077, lest his
excommunication result in his overthrow.
Whatever one may think of Constantine, outside of isolated situations
such as Armenia, Christian civil government began with him, and it has
continued on until today. Nations cannot be born again, but civil
governments can attempt to rule justly in the fear of God. In my
opinion, several things are involved in a nation being Christian.
Whether formally or informally, by consensus, a Christian nation has
respect for the person of the Lord Jesus Christ and seeks to protect his
Church. Furthermore, a Christian nation bases its own laws on God’s
moral Law, tempering justice with mercy. None of these things was ever
done perfectly in history, not under the Byzantines in the East and not
under the Holy Roman Empire in the West. Even Cromwell’s England and
Puritan New England failed, if we judge them by the absolute standard of
God’s Word. But is not the history of the one, truly God-ordained
theocracy in the world, ancient Israel, one sordid saga of sin?
I do not believe that the New Testament lays out a political agenda for
Christians, but we are called to be salt and light, according to each
one’s place and calling, bringing the influence of the gospel into every
sphere of life. If we are in a position of authority over others, then
we must rule justly, in the fear of God. If, instead of living in a
modern Republic with Democratic ideals, a Christian believer should find
himself having autocratic power over others, does he not do what the
Christian head of a family does? He does not force people to become
Christians, but he does enforce Christian standards of conduct. But all
of this is an outgrowth of the gospel—the conversion of individuals is
the great task of the Church. What follows is the fruit of many
individuals embracing Jesus as Lord and Savior. It is one reason why I
think that so-called nation building is doomed to fail—without a gospel
foundation that embraces such things as the priesthood of the believer,
modern, democratic structures cannot form.
Church and State
The Church and the state are two different institutions. Two passages
stand out in the New Testament: Romans 13:1-7 and 1 Peter 2:13-16.
The Apostle Peter gives us the basic function of civil government: “to
punish those who do evil and to praise those who do good” (1 Peter
2:14). Government should endeavor to create a climate where good living
is rewarded. Among other things, it provides protection against foreign
invasion and domestic evils such as theft, libel and murder, so that its
citizens can work and enjoy the fruit of their labors. The fundamental
way that government does this is by coercion; it is “to punish those who
do evil.” Government’s task is not to change people’s hearts and make
them better; it is to make hypocrisy more successful. People’s obedience
is prompted fundamentally out of fear of punishment. Government
represses the outward manifestation of sin by bringing justice to bear
against evildoers.
Saint Paul affirms the same truths about government and teaches that the
civil ruler is “God’s servant” to whom God has given authority to use
deadly force: “But if you do wrong, be afraid, for he does not bear the
sword in vain. For he is the servant of God, an avenger who carries out
God’s wrath on the wrongdoer” (Romans 13:4). Paul could not be broader
in his statement about governments—from Caligula’s and Nero’s Rome to
Stalin’s Russia and Mao’s China, all civil governments exist under
divine authority: “For there is no authority except from God, and those
that exist have been instituted by God” (Romans 13:1).
The nature and authority of the Church could not be more different. The
“coercion” that Church uses is that of fellowship and worship: singing,
prayer, the Word and Sacraments; the only “punishment” it metes out is
exclusion from the means of grace (1 Corinthians 5). Furthermore, unlike
the state, the Church seeks to remove hypocrisy, for it does not aim
simply at external conformity but at inner conformity, obedience from
the heart. Its goal is that people do what is right as an expression of
gratitude for God’s magnanimous grace in Jesus Christ, not looking for
an immediate, temporal reward: “Slaves, obey your earthly masters with
fear and trembling, with a sincere heart, as you would Christ, not by
the way of eye-service, as people-pleasers, but as servants of Christ,
doing the will of God from the heart, rendering service with a good will
as to the Lord and not to man, knowing that whatever good anyone does,
this he will receive back from the Lord, whether he is a slave or free”
(Ephesians 6:5-8).
Believers’ obedience is categorically different from that which the
world expects of its own. While Christians must never disobey God and
his Word (Acts 5:29, “We must obey God rather than men.” Cf. Daniel 1:8,
19, 20; 3:12, 16-18; 6:10), they are to obey even unfair authorities as
an expression of love for God and trust in his promises: “Servants, be
subject to your masters with all respect, not only to the good and
gentle but also to the unjust. For this is a gracious thing, when,
mindful of God, one endures sorrows while suffering unjustly” (1 Peter
2:18, 19).
Of the two ancient models of Christian government, the Byzantine
protects the Church from hypocrisy far better than that of the Roman,
because an autocratic civil ruler can enforce outward conformity to
God’s standards without the Church necessarily becoming involved in the
process. Whereas, the price that the Bishop of Rome paid for resolving
differences among the European royal houses was to conform the Western
Church more and more to the image of the Scarlet Woman of Revelation 17.
Because of the fundamental differences between Church and State,
movements such as the Moral Majority and the Christian Coalition are
doomed to fail, especially in an American context.
The United States
The United States is not a simple democracy, but a democratic,
constitutionally limited, republic. Its government was not designed to
rule based on the constantly changing desires of a simple majority of
its citizens, but on its laws that reflect its written constitution.
This constitution is very difficult to amend, and this was done on
purpose to protect the people from the “dictatorship” of popular
opinion. However, the American system did not spring fully developed
into the world but was born out of the matrix of the Protestant
Reformation. Democratic rather than totalitarian principles underlie the
American republic, because Protestantism leveled all people before the
sovereignty of God and his gracious salvation, a salvation that was not
mediated through priestly hierarchy but directly through the one
mediator between God and men, the man Christ Jesus (1 Timothy 2:5).
Protestantism put the Bible in the hands of the simple plowman and told
him that the Spirit of God would give him the ability to understand it.
It pressed him to examine the teachings of the Church by the standards
of the Word of God; the “layman” must think for himself and seek God for
himself, because under Christ every believer is a prophet, priest and
king. The descending hierarchy of various people’s importance was
destroyed at the foot of the cross. Without removing the temporal
authority of civil rulers or the spiritual authority of church leaders,
Protestantism, in affirming the prophetic, priestly and kingly office of
every believer, taught that the individual Christian was responsible to
examine even the decrees of kings by the Word of God and that all people
were to be treated with respect and dignity, for: “there is neither Jew
nor Greek, there is neither slave nor free, there is neither male nor
female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus” (Galatians 3:28).
Thus Protestantism inevitably gave birth to profound social and
political change, and modern constitutionally limited governments
developed, particularly in those nations most influenced by Calvin. At
the time of the War for Independence, it is estimated that roughly two
thirds of the American population were at least moderately Calvinistic.
Early in the nineteenth century significantly different theologies came
to influence American thinking. Led by New England Unitarianism, on the
one hand, and on the other, an anti-Calvinistic Evangelicalism from such
men as Charles Grandison Finney, the American Church moved away from its
Calvinistic moorings. By the end of that century, with the Church’s
immersion in the war over slavery and then in the Prohibition movement,
coupled with the massive influx of Roman Catholic immigrants, the
religious climate of America had radically changed.
During this time, the Protestant churches began to undergo other, more
radical changes. Beginning with the latter part of the nineteenth
century, modernism came increasingly to dominate the leadership of the
mainline Protestant churches. Rejecting the infallibility of the Bible,
in time many of Protestantism’s leading theologians came to reject most
of the fundamental doctrines of Christianity: miracles, Jesus’ virgin
birth, sinless life, substitutionary death, bodily resurrection and
triumphant, literal return. By the mid-twentieth century, American
Protestantism began to jettison the basic moral absolutes of Scripture
as well.
Into this collapsing Protestant civilization, new waves of immigrants
came with even more diverse backgrounds, and religious pluralism began
in earnest. Jews, fresh with the memories of Tsarist pogroms, sought to
limit the civic expression of Christian faith. What began as a
relatively mild movement became a full-fledged crusade in the wake of
the holocaust of Hitler’s Third Reich.
Even in a constitutionally limited republic, significant change can
come. The end of the War Between the States brought significant changes
not only to American society, but to its Constitution as well. The
legislative agenda of the Radical Republicans turned the Constitution
into a document that was no longer completely consistent with itself,
and Reconstruction (1865-1877) radically altered the political
structures, establishing a stronger central government over the formerly
sovereign states: before that war people said, “The United States are .
. .” After the war they said, “The United States is . . .”
Under the influence of President Woodrow Wilson (1913-1921), the United
States moved into entanglement with European society, politics,
economics and eventually war. In the wake of the Great Depression of the
nineteen thirties, the underlying, limited role of government was
significantly altered under President Franklin Delano Roosevelt
(1933-1945). Post World War II America saw a return to some of the
policies of Reconstruction, with the Federal government overturning the
policies of discrimination against African Americans, policies that were
secured under states’ rights, and the Federal government began to
replace the church as the provider of charity and securer of moral
change. Community public schools that until the nineteen sixties had
received no Federal funding and that, by and large, were de facto,
Protestant schools, were slowly taken over by Federal mandate: prayer
and Bible reading were removed and control was taken from the hands of
local school boards and placed in the hands of Federal judges. The
momentum of the Civil Rights movement was subsequently commandeered in
the seventies by the Women’s movement and gay rights groups.
America is where it is as a result of these historical processes. Any
effort to turn back the clock on American government that ignores these
processes is doomed to fail. The Moral Majority and the Christian
Coalition sought to push government back to the more
Protestant-influenced world of America’s past. But this cannot
ultimately succeed without huge numbers of Americans becoming truly
Christian. At best, these movements only slow the acceleration of the
anti-Christian Juggernaut, but, sadly, they do this best when they sell
their souls for a temporary mess of pottage, the illusion of political
power.
The Reagan Presidency (1981-1989) was seen as a great victory by many
Evangelicals, but the Reagan years exposed the hollowness of the
conservative Protestant church with its lust for power and wealth and
its closeted sexual perversions. The eighties gave us a behind the
scenes look at the perversions of Jim Bakker, Marvin Gorman and Jimmy
Swaggart as well as the political manipulations of Jerry Falwell—not to
mention Pat Robertson, who having left the sphere of his expertise to
run for President of the United States, came to look like a fool to a
majority of Americans, and who later sold off a big chunk of his
Christian Broadcasting Network to Rupert Murdock for untold millions of
dollars—a far cry from the Lord Jesus, who, unlike foxes and birds, had
nowhere to lay his head (Matthew 8:20).
The Church needs to do what it is anointed to do: proclaim the good news
of Jesus Christ in the power of the Holy Spirit, baptizing all nations
in the name of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit, teaching them to observe
all that the Lord Jesus has commanded us. It needs to do this through
broken-hearted, earnest prayer and leave the results in the hands of a
sovereign God.
For a discussion of the
Christian’s involvement in politics, click here.
Bob
Vincent